As Malaysia continues to experience rapid shifts in political dynamics, it is crucial for all Malaysians to approach the evolving landscape with open minds and political maturity. Among the possibilities that should be acknowledged — and discussed with intellectual honesty — is the real prospect of a Prime Minister from Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) following the 16th General Election (GE16).
There is growing realisation and trust among the rakyat — particularly within the evolving urban Malay electorate — in leaders perceived as clean, consistent, and principled. These are qualities that many increasingly associate with PAS’s leadership, having experienced the total failure of Anwar led government. As political sentiments continue to shift, our national discourse must move beyond outdated assumptions and traditional loyalties.
It appears, that the time is increasingly ripe for the emergence of a PAS Prime Minister. Slowly but surely, segments of the rakyat are beginning to accept this as a realistic political outcome. What was once unthinkable in the corridors of Malaysian power is now being openly discussed — as a reflection of shifting political preferences and expectations on the ground.
Crucially, the viability of a PAS led Prime Minister — hinges not only on electoral success, but also on the party’s willingness to evolve. If PAS can convincingly embrace and empower credible non-Malay leaders within the Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition — and more importantly, offer them real influence in governance — it would help broaden its appeal and foster confidence among non-Malay voters.
We must not let inherited fears or outdated biases cloud our judgment. If PAS demonstrates a genuine commitment to inclusive governance and multiracial representation — not just in rhetoric but in action — the possibility of a PAS-led government with broad national support becomes not only plausible but legitimate.
This is not merely a political gesture; it is a strategic imperative for any coalition seeking to lead a truly multiracial Malaysia.
Critics often question PN’s decision not to name a Prime Ministerial candidate ahead of the election. But this overlooks a key constitutional reality. Article 43 of the Federal Constitution grants the Yang di-Pertuan Agong the discretion to appoint as Prime Minister the Member of Parliament who, in His Majesty’s judgment, commands the confidence of the majority in the Dewan Rakyat.
If PAS emerges with the largest number of MPs' within PN post-GE16, logic would suggest that a PAS leader would be the natural choice for Prime Minister.
We must also recall how GE14 and GE15 reshaped Malaysia’s political landscape. Hung parliaments, shifting alliances, and cross-party support have brought the monarchy into a more active constitutional role. The days of automatic or predictable Prime Ministerial appointments are behind us.
Hence, the challenge thrown at PN to name a PM candidate is, in essence, a political distraction. As a coalition, PN has every right — and strategic reason — to wait for the people’s mandate before finalising such a decision. Should PAS command the majority within PN, a PAS leader would rightfully emerge as the PM candidate.
In contrast, the current Unity Government has also not officially named its PM candidate for GE16. If Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim truly commands the supermajority he claims, he should have no hesitation in declaring himself as the undisputed PM candidate. Doing so would not only reinforce his legitimacy but also project confidence in his leadership heading into the next general election. Until then, questions will persist: Will the Unity Government go to the polls united behind Anwar, or will the current internal distrust bring about its collapse?