Not only Indians, but all Malaysians, regardless of race or religion, should reject Anwar Ibrahim’s apology for wrongly describing Hindu temples as “illegal”.

This apology is not an act of genuine remorse. It is a political exercise in damage control, made only after it became apparent that Indian voters are prepared to punish Pakatan Harapan at the ballot box in the NS elections —to the extent that even Anthony Loke is facing a real prospect of losing the Chennah state seat.

These are the reasons why Malaysians should reject Anwar’s apology:

1. He is fabricating an apology that never existed.
Anwar is now attempting to fabricate a false historical record by claiming that he had apologised at a forum at the University of Malaya for describing Hindu temples as "illegal". There is no record of any such apology because none was ever made. What he actually said was that his remarks had been misconstrued. Rebranding “misconstrued” as an apology is not contrition—it is an attempt to deceive the public.

2. He was the first Prime Minister to publicly stigmatise Hindu temples.
Anwar became the first Malaysian Prime Minister to publicly characterise Hindu temples as “illegal”, thereby fuelling public hostility towards places of worship. At the same time, he deliberately failed to address the long-standing historical reality that many Hindu temples were established during the colonial era, long before Merdeka.

3. His speech to the annual Police event encouraged a dangerous narrative.
At a national police event in 2025, Anwar delivered a fiery speech in an angry tone that could reasonably be interpreted as encouraging and “inciting” members of the police force to view the Jalan Masjid India temple as an “illegal temple”, despite the Government’s continued failure to disclose the historical records establishing the temple’s existence.

4. His words unleashed vigilantism.
During the height of the controversy, Anwar’s repeated references to “illegal temples” emboldened vigilantes to take matters into their own hands. Hundreds of Hindu temples were falsely labelled as “illegal” on Waze and other digital mapping platforms, further inflaming public hostility.

5. His rhetoric fuelled racial hatred.
Anwar’s speeches inflamed racial sentiments to such an extent that  individuals who believed him were charged and emboldened and may  have encouraged them to openly call for a repeat of the May 13 like riots and even threatened to bomb Hindu temples.

6. He refused to correct the false narrative despite repeated appeals.
Anwar knew that his speeches had inflamed racial and religious tensions between Muslims and Hindus. Yet he failed to take corrective action. On 25 March 2025, I publicly appealed to him to convene an urgent Special Cabinet Meeting to release the historical records of Hindu temples and correct the false narrative that his own statements had created. He ignored that appeal.

7. He failed to act to prevent escalating racial tensions.
Anwar failed to discharge his responsibility as Prime Minister when he ignored my letter dated 23 April 2025, which urged immediate intervention to defuse escalating racial tensions following threats to recreate a May 13-style riot and bomb Hindu temples.

8. He ignored a genuine proposal for national reconciliation.
Anwar also failed to act on my letter dated 19 May 2025 calling on him to demonstrate genuine commitment to national unity by establishing a Royal Commission of Inquiry to honestly examine the state of racial and religious harmony in Malaysia and recommend meaningful reforms.

9. His failure continued to endanger national harmony.
Anwar’s continued refusal to clarify the historical and legal status of Hindu temples and his failure to provide responsible national leadership once again contributed to heightened racial tensions that nearly culminated in racial confrontation in late January and early February 2026.

Anwar Ibrahim’s apology cannot erase the damage caused by his words or his subsequent inaction. A genuine apology requires truth, accountability and meaningful corrective action. None of these has been forthcoming. He is apologizing now for fear of losing the NS state elections on Saturday and eventually the GE 16.

Waytha Moorthy Ponnusamy

President

Malaysian Advancement Party

30.7.2026

Suatu Cabaran Keluhuran Perlembagaan dan Demokrasi Berperwakilan (Representative Democracy)

Enakmen Perlembagaan Negeri Melaka (Pindaan) 2026 yang telah diluluskan oleh Dewan Undangan Negeri Melaka pada 14 Julai 2026, bagi membolehkan pelantikan Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri, menimbulkan suatu persoalan perlembagaan yang amat penting. Persoalan ini bukan sekadar menyentuh kesahan suatu pindaan kepada Perlembagaan Negeri, malah melibatkan keluhuran Perlembagaan Persekutuan, pembahagian kuasa antara Persekutuan dan Negeri, serta kelangsungan prinsip demokrasi berperwakilan (Representative Democracy)yang menjadi asas kepada sistem pemerintahan negara.

Persoalan yang perlu dijawab adalah mudah tetapi mempunyai implikasi yang amat besar:

Bolehkah sesebuah Dewan Undangan Negeri meminda Perlembagaan Negerinya bagi memperkenalkan Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri yang dilantik, sedangkan Perlembagaan Persekutuan secara nyata memperuntukkan bahawa keanggotaan Dewan Undangan Negeri hendaklah terdiri daripada ahli-ahli yang dipilih melalui pilihan raya?

Jawapannya adalah TIDAK.

Pindaan tersebut bukan sahaja bercanggah dengan Perlembagaan Persekutuan, malah melanggar kerangka perlembagaan mandatori yang ditetapkan bagi semua Negeri. Lebih membimbangkan, ia menjejaskan prinsip demokrasi berperwakilan yang merupakan sebahagian daripada struktur asas (basic structure) Perlembagaan Persekutuan.

I. PERLEMBAGAAN PERSEKUTUAN MERUPAKAN UNDANG-UNDANG TERTINGGI NEGARA

Perkara 4(1) Perlembagaan Persekutuan memperuntukkan:

"Perlembagaan ini ialah undang-undang utama Persekutuan dan apa-apa undang-undang yang diluluskan selepas Hari Merdeka yang tidak selaras dengan Perlembagaan ini adalah tidak sah setakat ketidakselarasan itu”.

Peruntukan ini meletakkan Perlembagaan Persekutuan sebagai sumber kuasa tertinggi dalam sistem perundangan negara. Semua undang-undang, sama ada yang digubal oleh Parlimen mahupun oleh Badan Perundangan Negeri, hendaklah selaras dengan kehendak Perlembagaan Persekutuan.

Kewujudan Negeri Melaka sebagai salah sebuah Negeri dalam Persekutuan adalah berasaskan Perkara 1(2) Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Pada masa yang sama, kuasa Perlembagaan Negeri Melaka berpunca daripada Perkara 71 yang dibaca bersama Bahagian I Jadual Kelapan Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Peruntukan-peruntukan tersebut menetapkan kerangka asas yang wajib dipatuhi oleh setiap Perlembagaan Negeri.

Dengan yang demikian, adalah jelas bahawa Perlembagaan Negeri memperoleh kesahan dan kuasa perundangannya daripada Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Sebarang pindaan kepada Perlembagaan Negeri hendaklah kekal berada dalam lingkungan kuasa yang diperuntukkan oleh Perlembagaan Persekutuan dan tidak boleh melampaui had yang telah ditetapkan.

Justeru, Dewan Undangan Negeri tidak mempunyai kuasa perlembagaan untuk memperluaskan bidang kuasanya melalui suatu pindaan kepada Perlembagaan Negeri sehingga mewujudkan suatu bentuk keanggotaan yang tidak pernah dibenarkan oleh Perlembagaan Persekutuan.

Perkara 71 dan Jadual Kelapan sama sekali tidak memberi kuasa kepada mana-mana Dewan Undangan Negeri untuk menyimpang daripada kehendak mandatori yang telah ditetapkan ataupun mengenepikan niat yang jelas daripada penggubal Perlembagaan.

II. JADUAL KELAPAN MENGHENDAKI BAHAWA AHLI DEWAN UNDANGAN NEGERI HENDAKLAH DIPILIH

Peruntukan yang menjadi teras kepada isu ini ialah Seksyen 4(1), Bahagian I Jadual Kelapan Perlembagaan Persekutuan yang memperuntukkan:

"Dewan Undangan Negeri hendaklah terdiri daripada apa-apa bilangan ahli dipilih sebagaimana yang diperuntukkan melalui undang-undang oleh Badan Perundangan."

Selaras dengan kehendak tersebut, Perkara 11 Perlembagaan Negeri Melaka sejak Merdeka turut memperuntukkan bahawa Dewan Undangan Negeri hendaklah terdiri daripada ahli-ahli yang dipilih.

Setiap perkataan yang digunakan dalam peruntukan tersebut mempunyai maksud yang penting.

Perkataan "shall" atau "hendaklah" adalah bersifat mandatori dan tidak memberi ruang kepada tafsiran yang membolehkan Badan Perundangan Negeri memilih kaedah keanggotaan yang lain.

Yang lebih penting ialah Perlembagaan Persekutuan hanya memberikan satu bentuk budi bicara kepada Dewan Undangan Negeri, iaitu menentukan bilangan Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri yang dipilih.

Tiada kuasa diberikan untuk menentukan kategori ahli.

Dengan kata lain, Perlembagaan Persekutuan telah pun menetapkan bahawa kategori ahli hanyalah terdiri daripada wakil rakyat yang dipilih melalui pilihan raya.

Apabila Perlembagaan Persekutuan secara nyata telah menentukan kategori keanggotaan sesuatu badan perundangan negeri, maka Dewan Undangan Negeri tidak mempunyai sebarang kuasa untuk mewujudkan satu kategori baharu Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri melalui pelantikan.

Hasrat penggubal Perlembagaan adalah jelas.

Kuasa menggubal undang-undang di peringkat Negeri hendaklah berpunca daripada mandat rakyat yang diberikan melalui pilihan raya dan bukannya melalui pelantikan oleh Badan Eksekutif.

III. PERLEMBAGAAN PERSEKUTUAN MENUNJUKKAN BAHAWA PELANTIKAN HANYA DIBENARKAN APABILA DIPERUNTUKKAN SECARA NYATA

Perlembagaan Persekutuan hendaklah dibaca sebagai suatu dokumen yang lengkap dan menyeluruh.

Di mana penggubal Perlembagaan berhasrat supaya keanggotaan sesuatu badan perundangan diwujudkan melalui pelantikan dan bukannya pilihan raya, mereka telah memperuntukkannya secara nyata.

Contohnya, Perkara 45 secara khusus membenarkan pelantikan Ahli Dewan Negara.

Begitu juga, Jadual Kelapan secara nyata membenarkan pelantikan Yang Dipertua Dewan Undangan Negeri yang bukan merupakan seorang Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri yang dipilih.

Walau bagaimanapun, dalam keadaan tersebut sekalipun, Perlembagaan masih memperuntukkan bahawa:

• Yang Dipertua merupakan seorang ahli tambahan kepada ahli-ahli yang dipilih; dan
• beliau tidak mempunyai hak mengundi.

Pengecualian ini amat signifikan.

Ia menunjukkan bahawa penggubal Perlembagaan berhasrat dengan jelas untuk mewujudkan perbezaan antara wakil rakyat yang dipilih melalui pilihan raya dengan seseorang yang dilantik.

Lebih penting lagi, apabila mereka berhasrat mewujudkan pengecualian kepada prinsip pilihan raya, mereka telah menyatakannya secara nyata dalam Perlembagaan.

Tiada peruntukan yang sama yang membenarkan pelantikan Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri.

Ketiadaan peruntukan tersebut bukanlah suatu kecuaian dalam penggubalan Perlembagaan tetapi mencerminkan niat yang jelas bahawa keanggotaan Dewan Undangan Negeri hendaklah diperoleh melalui mandat rakyat.

Selaras dengan prinsip tafsiran perlembagaan expressio unius est exclusio alterius, apabila Perlembagaan secara nyata memperuntukkan pengecualian tertentu, maka kita tidak boleh menganggap bahawa pengecualian lain turut wujud secara tersirat.

Oleh yang demikian, kuasa untuk melantik Ahli Dewan Negara dan Yang Dipertua Dewan Undangan Negeri yang tidak mengundi tidak boleh diperluaskan sehingga membolehkan pelantikan Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri melalui tafsiran atau implikasi.

KESIMPULAN

Persoalan yang timbul bukanlah sekadar mengenai kesahan satu pindaan kepada Perlembagaan Negeri Melaka.

Isu sebenar ialah sama ada sebuah Dewan Undangan Negeri boleh, melalui pindaan kepada Perlembagaan Negerinya, mengubah suatu kerangka mandatori yang telah ditetapkan oleh Perlembagaan Persekutuan.

Ada pihak berhujah bahawa Negeri Pahang dan Johor sebelum ini telah memperuntukkan pelantikan Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri melalui pindaan kepada Perlembagaan Negeri masing-masing dan bahawa Melaka hanya mengikut amalan tersebut.

Namun demikian, hujah tersebut sama sekali tidak menentukan kesahan perlembagaan pindaan yang diluluskan oleh Melaka.

Prinsip undang-undang adalah jelas.

Dua kesalahan tidak menjadikan sesuatu itu sah di sisi undang-undang.

Jadual Kelapan menghadkan kuasa pindaan Perlembagaan Negeri. Kuasa tersebut tidak boleh digunakan dengan cara yang bercanggah dengan kehendak mandatori Perlembagaan Persekutuan.

Tindakan Ahli-Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri (Melaka) Pakatan Harapan menarik diri daripada Kerajaan Negeri Melaka mungkin merupakan suatu pendirian politik yang tegas. Namun demikian, bantahan politik semata-mata tidak memadai untuk mempertahankan keluhuran Perlembagaan.

Walaupun bantahan tersebut dibuat atas prinsip demokrasi dan mandat rakyat, persoalan yang timbul kini adalah suatu persoalan undang-undang perlembagaan yang sebenar. Persoalan sedemikian sewajarnya diputuskan oleh Mahkamah Persekutuan.

Memandangkan wujud suatu persoalan perlembagaan yang tulen sama ada Enakmen Perlembagaan Negeri Melaka (Pindaan) 2026 adalah selaras dengan Perlembagaan Persekutuan, maka persoalan tersebut hendaklah dirujuk kepada Mahkamah Persekutuan, sebaik-baiknya melalui suatu rujukan terus di bawah bidang kuasa perlembagaannya, supaya suatu keputusan yang muktamad, autoritatif dan mengikat dapat diberikan demi memelihara keluhuran Perlembagaan Persekutuan sebagai undang-undang tertinggi negara.

Waytha Moorthy Ponnusamy
Presiden
Malaysian Advancement Party

26 Julai 2026

A Direct Challenge to Constitutional Supremacy and Representative Democracy?

The Constitution of the State of Melaka (Amendment) Enactment 2026, passed on 14th July 2026, which sanctioned the appointment of members to the Melaka State Legislative Assembly, raises a fundamental constitutional question that goes to the very foundation of our constitutional democracy.

The issue before the nation is a simple one.

Can a State Legislature amend its Constitution to introduce appointed Assemblymen when:

FEDERAL CONSTITUTION MANDATES THAT MEMBERS OF A STATE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY SHALL BE ELECTED?

The answer is NO.

The amendment is inconsistent with the Federal Constitution, violates the mandatory framework governing State Constitutions, and undermines representative democracy, which is a fundamental part of the Federal Constitution.

I.THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION IS THE SUPREME LAW

Article 4(1) of the Federal Constitution provides:

"This Constitution is the supreme law of the Federation and any law passed after Merdeka Day which is inconsistent with this Constitution shall, to the extent of the inconsistency, be void."

All laws enacted in Malaysia must conform to the Federal Constitution.

The State of Melaka derives its constitutional existence as one of the constituent States of the Federation from Article 1(2) of the Federal Constitution.

The Constitution of the State of Melaka derives its constitutional authority from Article 71, read together with Part I of the Eighth Schedule to the Federal Constitution, which prescribes the essential constitutional framework that every State Constitution must adopt.

Therefore, a State Constitution is subordinate to the Federal Constitution.

A State Legislature cannot, through constitutional amendment, expand its powers beyond those conferred by the Federal Constitution, as occurred in the recent Melaka amendments.

Article 71 and the Eighth Schedule do not empower a State Legislature to deviate from the mandatory provisions prescribed for State Constitutions, nor to override the clear intention of the framers of the Federal Constitution.

II. THE EIGHTH SCHEDULE MANDATES AN ELECTED LEGISLATURE

The key constitutional provision is found in Section 4(1) of the Eighth Schedule.

It provides:

"The Legislative Assembly shall consist of such number of electedmembers as the Legislature may by law provide."

Accordingly, this requirement has been incorporated in the Melaka State Constitution since Merdeka under Article 11 of the Melaka State Constitution.

Every word in this provision is significant.

The operative word is "shall."

This is mandatory.

More importantly, the Constitution confers only one legislative discretion upon the State Legislature.

It may determine only the number of elected members.

This is the only constitutional power granted.

Where the Federal Constitution expressly specifies the category of members that may comprise a Legislative Assembly, a State Legislature possesses no constitutional authority to create an entirely new category of appointed legislators.

The intention of the constitutional framers is unmistakable.

Legislative authority at the State level must originate from the electorate, not from executive appointment.

III. THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION ITSELF DEMONSTRATES THAT APPOINTMENTS ARE PERMITTED ONLY WHERE EXPRESSLY AUTHORISED

The Federal Constitution is an integrated code whose provisions must be read harmoniously.

Whenever the framers intended legislative membership to arise by appointment rather than election, they said so expressly.

For example:

Article 45 expressly authorises the appointment of Senators to the Dewan Negara.

Likewise, the Eighth Schedule expressly allows the appointment of a Speaker to the state Legislative Assembly who is not an elected member.

However, even in that exceptional situation, the Constitution expressly provides that:

This constitutional exception is highly significant. It demonstrates two important principles.

First, the framers clearly recognised the distinction between elected and appointed legislators.

Second, whenever they intended an exception to the principle of election, they expressly provided for it.

No similar provision exists permitting appointed State Assemblymen.

This omission is deliberate, not accidental.

Applying the well-established principle of constitutional interpretation—expressio unius est exclusio alterius—the express authorisation of appointed Senators and a non-voting State Speaker necessarily excludes the creation of appointed Assemblymen by implication.

CONCLUSION

The issue before us concerns the supremacy of the Federal Constitution and the preservation of representative democracy as envisaged by the framers of our Constitution.

It has been suggested that Pahang and Johor previously amended their State Constitutions to provide for appointed members of their Legislative Assemblies, and that Melaka is following this model.

However, this argument does not determine the constitutional validity of the Melaka amendment.

Simply put, two wrongs do not make a right.

The Eighth Schedule circumscribes the constitutional amending power of a State Legislature and cannot be exercised in a manner that is inconsistent with its mandatory constitutional requirements.

The withdrawal of the Pakatan Harapan Assemblymen from the Melaka State Government was undoubtedly a strong political statement. However, political protest alone is insufficient to safeguard the Constitution.

While the opposition opposed the amendment on grounds of democratic principle and the people's electoral mandate, the issues raised extend beyond politics into the realm of constitutional law. It ought now to proceed to the constitutional forum. As there is a genuine question as to whether the Constitution of the State of Melaka (Amendment) Enactment 2026 is consistent with the Federal Constitution, that question should be referred to the Federal Court, preferably by way of a direct constitutional reference, for an authoritative determination.

Waytha Moorthy Ponnusamy

President

Malaysian Advancement Party

26th July 2026

LOOK AT THIS MAN.

He is the face of Malaysia's forgotten poor.

A frail, weathered Indian father whose life has been etched by decades of hardship. Looking at him, I would have guessed he was about 65 years old.

He is only 53.

Poverty has aged him far beyond his years.

Now he carries a burden no parent should ever have to bear.

His 26-year-old son, Vineswaran, was arrested on suspicion of drug use. After a urine test allegedly returned positive, he was remanded on 3 May 2026 because his family could not raise the RM3,000 bail. He was subsequently sent to prison in Kuala Kubu Bharu.

On 20 July, at about 2.34 p.m., this father received a telephone call from the prison informing him that his son was in critical condition in hospital.

Just four minutes later, another call came.

A woman identifying herself as a doctor informed him that his son had died.

Four minutes is all the time that separated "critical condition" from "your son is dead."

How does a 26-year-old youth, who was healthy when he entered custody, leave prison in a body bag?

Every custodial death demands answers. Every unexplained death in State custody demands independent scrutiny. Yet case after case reveals a recurring pattern of custodial deaths that those in power have failed, or refused to confront

For years, I have spoken about custodial deaths involving members of the Indian community. The statistics and recurring cases deserve serious national attention. This is not an attempt to inflame racial or religious sentiments.

Yet Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has publicly suggested that I allege Hindus are being murdered in police custody.

That is a complete distortion of what I have consistently said.

This is not about race. It is not about religion. It is about a system deeply entrenched by a "brotherhood in uniform"—a culture of silence, mutual protection and institutional self-preservation that, in my opinion, has become one of the greatest obstacles to justice. Honest officers become prisoners of the system, while those who abuse power find comfort in the knowledge that the institution will close ranks around them.

History has shown us too many troubling incidents that raise serious questions.

Not long ago a senior Finance Ministry legal officer was found dead in his office, legs and neck bound using cable tiesthat points to murder in the office of the Finance ministry- an office guarded 24 hours with CCTV. The murder evaporated into thin air.

A woman travelling to the MACC headquarters to provide a statement in an investigation involving her husband disappeared after being forced out of her e-hailing vehicle by men in police uniform and vests. To this day, her disappearance remains one of the country's most disturbing unresolved cases.

More than a decade ago, I attended the inquest of a 22-year-old orphan together with my fellow lawyer, Karthigesan. The young man had been sentenced to six years' imprisonment for stealing sardine tins and packets of rice. Two years into serving his sentence, he was found dead- hanging in prisoncell. Despite the inquest finding elements of murder, no follow up investigations were done.

These are not isolated tragedies. They reveal a deeply entrenched "brotherhood in uniform", sustained by a culture in which elements within the enforcement agencies and the political establishment appear more willing to protect one another than to expose wrongdoing. This in turn breeds impunity, perpetuates cover-ups, silences accountability, and transforms public institutions from guardians of justice into guardians of one another.

Too many of us remain comfortable because these tragedies have not entered our own homes. We convince ourselves that someone else's suffering is someone else's problem.

Until one day, it becomes ours.

A democracy cannot remain healthy when its institutions are perceived to close ranks around wrongdoing—protecting one another instead of protecting the Constitution, the rule of law, and the people they are sworn to serve.

Will the death of Vineswaran be another file closed and forgotten.

Waytha Moorthy Ponnusamy

LIHATLAH LELAKI INI.

Beliau adalah wajah golongan miskin Malaysia yang telah lama dilupakan.

Seorang bapa India yang uzur dan dimamah usia sebelum waktunya. Kehidupannya dipahat dengan puluhan tahun penderitaan dan kemiskinan. Melihat wajahnya, saya menyangka umurnya sekitar 65 tahun.

Hakikatnya, beliau baru berusia 53 tahun.

Kemiskinan telah meragut usia mudanya jauh lebih awal.

Kini beliau memikul beban yang tidak sepatutnya ditanggung oleh mana-mana ibu atau bapa.

Anaknya yang berusia 26 tahun, Vineswaran, ditahan atas syak menggunakan dadah. Selepas ujian air kencing didakwa didapati positif, beliau direman pada 3 Mei 2026 kerana keluarganya tidak mampu menyediakan wang jaminan sebanyak RM3,000. Beliau kemudiannya dihantar ke Penjara Kuala Kubu Bharu.

Pada 20 Julai, kira-kira jam 2.34 petang, bapa ini menerima panggilan telefon daripada pihak penjara yang memaklumkan bahawa anaknya berada dalam keadaan kritikal di hospital.

Hanya empat minit kemudian, satu lagi panggilan diterima.

Seorang wanita yang memperkenalkan dirinya sebagai doktor memaklumkan bahawa anaknya telah meninggal dunia.

Empat minit.

Itulah tempoh yang memisahkan antara "keadaan kritikal" dengan "anak tuan telah meninggal dunia."

Bagaimanakah seorang pemuda berusia 26 tahun, yang sihat ketika memasuki tahanan, akhirnya keluar dari penjara di dalam beg mayat?

Setiap kematian dalam tahanan menuntut jawapan. Setiap kematian yang tidak dapat dijelaskan ketika seseorang berada dalam jagaan negara menuntut siasatan bebas dan menyeluruh. Namun, satu demi satu kes memperlihatkan pola kematian dalam tahanan yang berulang, yang gagal — atau enggan — ditangani oleh mereka yang berkuasa.

Selama bertahun-tahun saya telah membangkitkan isu kematian dalam tahanan yang melibatkan masyarakat India. Statistik dan kes-kes yang berulang ini sepatutnya mendapat perhatian serius di peringkat nasional. Ini bukan usaha untuk meniupkan sentimen perkauman atau keagamaan.

Namun Perdana Menteri, Anwar Ibrahim, secara terbuka mendakwa bahawa saya menuduh penganut Hindu dibunuh dalam tahanan polis.

Itu adalah satu pemutarbelitan yang sama sekali menyimpang daripada apa yang saya nyatakan secara konsisten selama ini.

Ini bukan soal kaum.

Ini bukan soal agama.

Ini adalah soal satu sistem yang telah berakar umbi dengan "persaudaraan berseragam" (brotherhood in uniform) — satu budaya membisu, saling melindungi dan mempertahankan institusi sehingga, pada pandangan saya, ia telah menjadi antara penghalang terbesar kepada keadilan. Pegawai-pegawai yang jujur akhirnya menjadi tawanan kepada sistem, manakala mereka yang menyalahgunakan kuasa berasa selesa kerana mengetahui institusi akan berpakat demi melindungi mereka.

Sejarah telah memperlihatkan terlalu banyak insiden yang membangkitkan persoalan serius.

Tidak lama dahulu, seorang pegawai kanan undang-undang di Kementerian Kewangan ditemui mati di pejabatnya dengan leher dan kaki diikat serta kesan kecederaan yang menunjukkan unsur pembunuhan, di dalam sebuah bangunan kerajaan yang dikawal keselamatan 24 jam dan dipantau CCTV sepanjang masa. Namun, pembunuhan itu seolah-olah lenyap begitu sahaja tanpa jawapan.

Seorang wanita yang dalam perjalanan ke ibu pejabat SPRM untuk memberikan keterangan berhubung siasatan melibatkan suaminya pula hilang selepas dipaksa keluar daripada kenderaan e-hailing yang dinaikinya oleh beberapa individu yang memakai pakaian seragam dan vest polis. Sehingga hari ini, kehilangannya kekal sebagai antara misteri paling menggemparkan negara yang masih belum terungkai.

Lebih sedekad lalu, saya menghadiri inkues seorang anak yatim berusia 22 tahun bersama rakan peguam saya, Karthigesan. Pemuda itu dijatuhi hukuman penjara enam tahun kerana mencuri beberapa tin sardin dan bungkusan beras. Dua tahun selepas menjalani hukuman, beliau ditemui mati tergantung di dalam sel penjara. Walaupun inkues tersebut menemukan unsur-unsur pembunuhan, tiada siasatan susulan yang bermakna pernah dijalankan.

Ini bukan tragedi yang terpencil.

Kes-kes ini mendedahkan kewujudan "persaudaraan berseragam" yang telah berakar umbi, disokong oleh satu budaya di mana unsur-unsur tertentu dalam agensi penguatkuasaan dan kelompok politik dilihat lebih cenderung melindungi sesama sendiri daripada mendedahkan salah laku. Budaya inilah yang akhirnya melahirkan budaya kebal daripada tindakan undang-undang, mengekalkan amalan menutup kesalahan, membisukan akauntabiliti, dan mengubah institusi awam daripada penjaga keadilan kepada penjaga sesama sendiri.

Terlalu ramai daripada kita terus hidup dalam zon selesa kerana tragedi seperti ini belum mengetuk pintu rumah kita sendiri. Kita meyakinkan diri bahawa penderitaan orang lain bukan urusan kita.

Sehinggalah suatu hari nanti...

ia menjadi penderitaan kita sendiri.

Sesebuah demokrasi tidak akan dapat kekal sihat apabila institusi-institusinya dilihat berpakat melindungi salah laku, bukannya menegakkan Perlembagaan, kedaulatan undang-undang dan hak rakyat.

Adakah kematian Vineswaran akan menjadi satu lagi fail yang ditutup dan dilupakan?

Waytha Moorthy Ponnusamy