Chinese and Indian voters are not looking for recycled leaders.

Perikatan Nasional (PN) leaders’ enthusiasm over MIC and MCA’s interest in joining their coalition betrays a profound ignorance of non-Malay political realities. The inclusion of these two parties will not, by itself, translate into increased Chinese or Indian support. To understand why, PN must confront the root causes behind the rejection of MIC and MCA by their own communities. Without addressing these issues, both parties risk becoming liabilities rather than assets.

Since GE12, MIC and MCA’s ties with Barisan Nasional (BN) have been more of a burden than a benefit. Their marginalization within BN reflected BN’s own failure to adapt to the political maturation of non-Malay voters — a failure that rendered both parties increasingly irrelevant.

The turning point came with the 2007 Hindraf rally. Its call for Indian voters to support the opposition en bloc catalyzed a political awakening that reverberated far beyond the Indian community. The rally not only energized support for PAS, DAP, and PKR during GE12, but also sent a clear signal to Chinese voters that it was time to rethink their allegiance to BN. While the Chinese had long been relatively comfortable under BN’s economic arrangements, BN’s disregard for human rights and transparency — coupled with its suppression of Hindraf — stirred widespread disillusionment.

The Hindraf uprising marked a historic shift. Voluntary campaigning by its supporters directly contributed to BN losing its two-thirds majority and control of five states — a political earthquake. From then on, MIC and MCA were no longer seen as credible voices of their communities. Under Hindraf’s leadership, Indians were explicitly directed to support PKR and DAP, since Hindraf itself was not a political party. At the same time, the Chinese largely consolidated under DAP, while PAS also witnessed unprecedented Indian support — much to UMNO’s frustration. Najib’s infamous post-GE13 remark, “Apa lagi Cina mahu,” further exposed the depth of BN’s failure to understand the new political landscape.

Fast forward to today: Bersatu, an UMNO offshoot, and PAS appear equally blind to these realities. Both parties continue to misread the aspirations of non-Malay voters, projecting superficial alternatives such as DHPP or Bersatu’s non-Malay wings while offering partnership to MIC and MCA as though this alone would resolve their legitimacy problem. This strategy reflects not only naivety but a fundamental misunderstanding of political maturity among non-Malays.

The truth is simple: Chinese and Indian voters are not looking for recycled power-sharing arrangements or leaders. They want transparency, fairness, and meaningful reforms. Many Chinese are already growing wary of DAP’s compromises, while Indians are increasingly frustrated with Anwar Ibrahim’s MGR drama.

In this climate, Indians are instead looking up to principled leaders from Hindraf, MAP and Urimai. who have a long track record of serving the people with consistency and integrity. Against this backdrop, to assume that welcoming MIC and MCA into PN will magically win over non-Malay voters is simplistic and misguided.

Non-Malays no longer seek “traditional” representation. They want genuine leadership rooted in principles, not token gestures or cosmetic inclusion. If PN continues to treat non-Malay issues as peripheral and fails to embrace authentic non-Malay leadership, it will fail to gain their support. Without a fundamental shift in strategy, PN’s outreach risks being dismissed as nothing more than tokenism.

With GE16 looming, we have less than a year to determine the future of our political rights and the kind of legacy we want to leave for our children and grandchildren.

Our community is dwindling year by year, and with that, our political influence is shrinking. 

The leadership of MIC, PKR, and DAP — which have dominated the political scene for decades — has failed the Indian people. MIC  had 68 years to bring change, yet our community still stands on the sidelines.

 Meanwhile, the Indian leadership in PKR and DAP remain subservient to Malay and Chinese interests, doing little to address the core issues that affect us.

The failure to jointly push the Unity Government for a comprehensive plan in the recent RMK-13 by MIC, PKR and DAP is clear proof of a failed Indian leadership duped by multi racial politics by Anwar Ibrahim. 

On one side, BN played us for fools for 68 years using MIC as their puppet. We trusted PH, and they too made their leaders nothing more than puppets. 

On the other hand, PAS and Bersatu are presenting a new brand of puppets as their Indian associate members, who are mostly uneducated and have no notable record of community service, as alternatives.

So, who should we blame for being taken for a ride?

Malay and Chinese politicians have long regarded Indians as immature and easily manipulated. This is why they continue to deceive us with promoting weak Indian leadership,  empty promises and token gestures—such as handing out hampers, donating to NGOs, and funding Hindu temples, all while never addressing our real needs.

We need a comprehensive political solution. For this you have no choice but to give us from Hindraf and MAP a chance in GE 16. You have tried trusting others with no result.  My team and I have proven records. 

The time has come for us to take back control. We must place our trust in leaders who stand by principles and have a proven track record of fighting for the rights and dignity of the Indian community.

Hindraf and MAP have consistently championed our cause, and they’ve always stood firm for what is just and right.

It’s time for us to wake up from our complacency. Relying on leadership that offers mere handouts, allocations, or NGO grants as solutions is not enough. These are only temporary fixes, meant to short change us. What we need is real, systemic change. Government initiatives that address our community’s long-term needs are severely lacking, and it is time we demand more.

Let’s stand together for a future where our voices are heard, where our rights are respected, and where our community can truly thrive.

The Supremacy of the Constitution and the Rule of Law are not merely principles enshrined in the Rukun Negara – they are the foundation of our parliamentary democracy, which guarantees stability and justice in the governance of the nation.

However, serious questions arise when Dato Anwar, who was previously convicted of a criminal offence and subsequently received a pardon under Article 42 of the Constitution for his crimes, is believed to have misled Members of Parliament from Barisan Nasional and His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong at the time into believing that he was eligible to contest as a candidate on 19th November 2022 and thereafter be appointed as Prime Minister on the 24th November 2022. 

Article 48 of the Constitution is a separate provision specifically drafted to bar a convicted individual from contesting in elections for five years from the date of his release, unless he obtains a "free pardon" from the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. A "full" pardon granted under Article 42 is significantly different from a free pardon under Article 48.

So the question is: why should Dato Anwar be allowed to lead this beloved country through deceit, especially by allegedly misleading His Majesty the Agong about his eligibility?

Therefore, there is no reason why questioning Dato Anwar’s pardon should be seen as questioning the wisdom of His Majesty the Agong. In my view, Dato Anwar has misled and deceived the people of Malaysia regarding a pardon which was not obtained under Article 48. Questioning this fact is an act of defending the Constitution and the Royal Institution.

I have brought this matter to court as a Malaysian citizen in order to uphold the principle of the rule of law. However, the judicial process is lengthy and technical. If a decision is only made after the Prime Minister’s term ends, it risks being seen as purely academic.

Even more concerning is that many Members of Parliament are now afraid to speak out for fear of being accused of challenging His Majesty’s wisdom in granting the pardon.

In Malaysia, issues related to the Royal Institution are easily exploited for political purposes. Those in power tend to use enforcement agencies and the media to instill fear and create negative perceptions towards those questioning the process of appointing the Prime Minister.

As citizens, we must rise and defend the Constitution – not just in words, but in implementation. Until today, the official pardon document for Dato Anwar has never been disclosed to the public.

The people have a right to know whether the pardon that was applied for also included an exemption from disqualification to contest, as provided under Article 48 of the Federal Constitution.

No one is questioning His Majesty’s power and wisdom in granting the pardon under Article 42 to Dato Anwar in May 2018.

However, this pardon should not be manipulated by Dato Anwar as being equal to a restoration of political eligibility, unless it is explicitly stated by His Majesty the Agong. Thus, any attempt to equate Articles 42 and 48 is a dangerous form of legal manipulation.

Malaysians must reject leadership that is founded on lies and deception towards the country’s highest institutions. This nation cannot continue to be governed based on narrow interpretations that distort the true spirit of the Constitution.

I call upon all Malaysians who love truth and this country to rise, speak up, and defend the Federal Constitution.

Keluhuran Perlembagaan dan Kedaulatan Undang-Undang bukan sekadar prinsip dalam Rukun Negara – ia adalah asas kepada sistem demokrasi berparlimen yang menjamin kestabilan dan keadilan dalam pemerintahan negara.

Namun, persoalan besar timbul apabila Dato Anwar yang telah disabitkan kesalahan jenayah dan kemudiannya menerima pengampunan dibawah Perkara 42 Perlembagaan dari kesalahan beliau, dipercayai telah mengelirukan Ahli-Ahli Parlimen BN dan Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong ketika itu, kononnya beliau layak untuk bertanding sebagai calon di antara 19hb November 2022 hingga 24hb November 2022 dan seterusnya dilantik sebagai Perdana Menteri. 

Perkara 48 Perlembagaan adalah peruntukan berasingan dan digubal khas untuk menghalang seseorang yang disabitkan kesalahan daripada bertanding selama 5 tahun dari tarikh pembebasannya dalam pilihanraya, melainkan mendapatkan "pengampunan bebas" daripada Yang di-Pertuan Agong.  Pengampunan Penuh yang diberikan dibawah Perkara 42 adalah amat berbeza dengan Pengampunan Bebas di bawah Perkara 48.

Jadi persoalannya mengapa Dato Anwar harus dibenarkan memimpin negara tercinta ini dengan suatu penipuan, apatah lagi dengan menipu DYMM Agong tentang kelayakannya.

Jadi tiada sebab mengapa mempersoalkan pengampunan Dato Anwar perlu dilihat dari kacamata persoalkan kebijaksanaan DYMM Agong. Pada hemat saya Dato Anwar telah mengelirukan dan menipu rakyat Malaysia dalam persoalan pengampunannya yang tidak diperolehi di bawah Perkara 48. Mempersoalkan fakta ini adalah suatu tindakan mempertahankan Perlembagaan dan Institusi Diraja.

Saya telah mengemukakan perkara ini ke mahkamah sebagai seorang rakyat Malaysia demi mempertahankan prinsip kedaulatan undang-undang. Namun, proses kehakiman memakan masa yang panjang dan teknikal. Sekiranya keputusan hanya dibuat setelah tamat tempoh pentadbiran Perdana Menteri tersebut, ia berisiko dianggap sebagai bersifat akademik semata-mata.

Lebih membimbangkan, ramai Ahli Parlimen kini takut untuk bersuara kerana bimbang dituduh mencabar kebijaksanaan Seri Paduka Baginda dalam memberikan pengampunan. 

Di Malaysia, isu berkaitan institusi Diraja mudah dieksploitasi untuk tujuan politik. Pihak yang memegang kuasa cenderung menggunakan jentera penguatkuasaan dan media bagi menimbulkan ketakutan dan persepsi negatif terhadap pihak yang mempersoalkan proses perlantikan Perdana Menteri ini.

Sebagai rakyat, kita perlu bangkit dan mempertahankan Perlembagaan, bukan hanya pada lafaz, tetapi pada pelaksanaan. Sehingga hari ini, dokumen rasmi pengampunan Dato Anwar tidak pernah didedahkan kepada umum.

Rakyat berhak mengetahui sama ada pengampunan yang dipohon  tersebut juga meliputi pengecualian daripada hilang kelayakan bertanding, seperti yang diperuntukkan di bawah Perkara 48 Perlembagaan Persekutuan.

Tiada siapa mempertikaikan kuasa dan kebijaksanaan Seri Paduka Baginda dalam memberi pengampunan di bawah Perkara 42 kepada Dato Anwar pada bulan Mei 2018.

Namun, pengampunan ini tidak harus dimanipulasi oleh Dato Anwar sebagai  sama dengan pemulihan kelayakan politik, melainkan dinyatakan secara jelas. Maka, sebarang cubaan untuk menyamakan kedua-dua Perkara 42 dan 48 adalah satu bentuk manipulasi perundangan yang amat berbahaya.

Rakyat Malaysia mesti menolak kepimpinan yang bersandarkan penipuan dan pembohongan terhadap institusi tertinggi negara. Negara ini tidak boleh terus ditadbir berdasarkan tafsiran sempit dan memesongkan semangat Perlembagaan.

Saya menyeru agar semua rakyat Malaysia yang cintakan kebenaran dan negara ini untuk bangkit, bersuara, dan mempertahankan Perlembagaan Persekutuan.

ICERD controversy 2018 - Waytha made scapegoat

August 22, 2025. In a video posted online Hindraf and MAP President rejects allegations by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and his cyber team that he was the mastermind behind bringing ICERD (International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination) to Parliament, supposedly to undermine Malay and Muslim rights.

Waytha stressed that this blatant and desperate attempt by Anwar’s. cyber team was to discourage PAS MPs’ from raising this matter in the current Parliament session.

He stresses that the real initiators of ICERD were Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Anwar himself, pointing out that PH’s 2018 election manifesto at page 76 Promise 26 clearly pledged to ratify international conventions, including ICERD. Although Anwar was then in prison, the manifesto could not have been finalized without his approval.

On 8 November 2018, during the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) session at the United Nations in Geneva, Malaysia’s delegation led by Datuk Ramlan Ibrahim - then KSU of Wisma Putra,  declared that Malaysia would ratify ICERD. Waytha argues this was direct initiatives of PH Ministers and not him.

On 18 November 2018, Anwar was reported as saying there was “no problem” with ratifying ICERD and dismissing concerns that it would affect Malay rights. The very next day, 19 November 2018, Waytha added he was attacked in Parliament and accused of pushing ICERD, when in fact he was only answering questions on behalf of the government using input prepared by the Foreign Ministry based on PH’s decisions.

Even after the massive anti-ICERD rally organised by PAS and BN in Kuala Lumpur, Anwar on 9 December 2018 stated that PKR, in principle, supported ICERD and anti-racial discrimination.

Waytha stressed he was made the scapegoat when evidence shows ICERD was initiated by PH and supported by Anwar himself. He claims that Anwar is now using cyber campaigns to attack,  vilify and demean him and PAS leaders—especially YB Takiyuddin and Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man—because he has legally challenged Anwar’s position as Prime Minister.

He concludes that PAS and BN were misled by Anwar on the ICERD issue since 2018, and he is prepared to present more evidence if Anwar continues to deny it.

Image credit: NSTP